Corruption Is an Extraordinary Danger' (entrevista completa en idioma inglés)

Patricia Grogg interviews Cuban political scientist ESTEBAN MORALES
Esteban Morales / Credit:Patricia Grogg/IPS
Esteban Morales

Credit:Patricia Grogg/IPS

HAVANA, Aug 16, 2010 (IPS) - "I still view corruption as an extraordinary
danger" to the country, as its "corrosive power" makes it a matter of
"national security," said Esteban Morales, who was expelled from the Cuban
Communist Party (PCC) after publishing an article warning of its pervasive
effects.

Morales has appealed to the PCC, in accordance with his rights under the
statutes of the ruling party, which is the only political party recognised
in Cuba.

"A commission has to analyse the appeal and make a decision. If I am not
satisfied with the decision, I can take the case as far as the party
congress. I will continue to appeal, because I think I have good reasons to
do so," he told IPS in this interview.

Meanwhile he remains "very active" as an academic and researcher, although
he will retire in September from the teaching staff at the Centre for the
Study of the Hemisphere and the United States (CEHSEU) at the University of
Havana, which he helped to found and to which he has devoted a large part
of his professional life.

"I'm retiring at 68. I'll have more time and freedom for my academic work
and research," said Morales, who holds doctorates in science and economics
and is an expert on Cuba-U.S. relations, as well as the author of essays,
books and numerous articles on the equally sensitive subject of racism in
his country.

Q: Since your separation from the PCC was made public, you have preferred
to avoid contact with the press, especially foreign journalists. What made
you change your mind and agree to this interview?

A: I think it is salutary to clear up certain points. Some people have said
I was a privileged person, a security (secret service) agent, and now I
wish to say this: No one will ever unearth any privileges of mine, because
I have none. As for being a security agent, if I were, I would be proud of
it, because in Cuba that is an honour.

My curriculum vitae is what speaks for me. I am a true academic, not an
invented one. I have written dozens of works, not always on straightforward
subjects, as well as doing a lot of teaching, lecturing at conferences and
acting as an academic adviser. If anyone has any doubts, they need only
enter my name into Google.

Others have taken delight in the idea that I might change sides and go over
to the "dissidents." Perhaps the counter-revolution, lacking as they are in
leadership, thought that I could fill that gap for them. But people who
really know me, know that that's impossible, and that I'm a firmly
committed, tenacious revolutionary. Furthermore, I have never had any
pretensions to leadership or sought to be the centre of attention.

Q: Have you never wavered in your political convictions?

A: No, never. Even the sun has its sunspots; different evaluations are
always possible. I may have given room to mistaken interpretations,
although the spirit of the things I have written is clear, and they clearly
come from a revolutionary position.

I was a revolutionary before I was a party activist, and I will continue to
be one. I decided my political stance over 50 years ago, and it was my free
choice. I have never liked to play the lying game.

I am not paralysed by what has happened. I will simply be much more careful
about how I express myself and what I write, but I won't stop doing it. I'm
an intellectual whom the revolution has trained to warn honestly about
things that can damage us, and that is what I have always done. These are
the risks one just has to run.

Q: Doesn't the fact of your punishment, after you publicly expressed your
views on corruption and the risks it poses for the country's political and
social stability, contradict President Raúl Castro himself, who said Aug. 1
that unity "is nurtured and harvested within the broadest possible
socialist democracy and in open discussion of every issue, however
sensitive, with the people"?

A: I believe debate and criticism are being encouraged by Raúl and the
party leadership. But there may be circumstances in which someone at some
level does not quite agree.

I must say that exercising a critical approach is much more complex than
the mere decision to do so. It has to do with the structures, the
personalities and the different understandings people sometimes have of
things. Or perhaps part of what I said could have been said in a different
way. There's a big gap between intentions and the way they are put into
practice.

Q: What do you think is most worrying about corruption?

A: Its corrosive effect from the moral perspective. When morality and
ethics are affected, the prestige of our political system is undermined and
everything goes downhill. That's why I agree with those who say corruption
is a national security problem.

However, it won't be solved just through more inspections and paperwork,
but by being on the alert and creating mechanisms to prevent it, so that
people who handle money and resources are constantly held accountable. Our
country's assets really do belong to the people, it's not just talk.

Q: You are very well known for your work on the United States and its
relations with Cuba, and on racism. What prompted you to write about
corruption, an issue that, according to some government sectors, encourages
campaigns to discredit the country if ventilated in public?

A: I wrote those articles because I believe these are the problems we are
facing now. I have a motto: in the context of what we have lived through
over all these years, I think whoever wants to be a revolutionary has to
wage his own war, fight his own battles and run whatever risks there are.
Otherwise he should just stay home and hide under the bed.

The claim that the enemy will take advantage of an open discussion of
corruption does not immobilise me either, because it isn't the enemy that
is going to solve the problem for us: quite the contrary. I am one of those
who think that sometimes it is healthier for us to recognise our
shortcomings ourselves, than for the enemy to fling them back in our teeth,
or save them up against us, which would be worse.

Q: Who are you referring to when you say "enemy"?

A: We cannot close our eyes to the fact that since the late 1980s, the
focus of U.S. policy towards Cuba has changed. Nowadays, everything that is
happening internally on the island is being observed and monitored by U.S.
politicians and especially by the United States' special services.

It is against this backdrop that I view the problem of corruption, which I
still see as an extraordinary danger. (END)

.

Patricia

CUBA-US
Tourism and 'Cuban Five' Top Agenda
By Patricia Grogg

HAVANA, Aug 17, 2010 (IPS) - Cuba is getting ready to welcome tourists from
the United States, in the event that the ban on travel by U.S. citizens to
this Caribbean island nation is lifted, as well as clamouring more loudly
for a presidential pardon for the five Cuban agents who have spent the last
12 years in U.S. prisons.

Although the state of bilateral relations appears too fragile to support
such a change, rumours have been circulating about contacts taking place
that could lead to the freeing of U.S. government contractor Alan Gross,
jailed and under investigation in Havana, and a ticket home for "The Cuban
Five", as the agents are known.

Gross, a Jewish American, was arrested in Cuba on Dec. 3, 2009 and accused
of espionage for distributing laptops, mobile phones and satellite
equipment for internet connections, for subversive purposes according to
the authorities.

The five Cubans -- Gerardo Hernández, Ramón Labañino, Antonio Guerrero,
Fernando González and René González -- are serving lengthy sentences in
different U.S. prisons after being arrested in 1998 and sentenced in 2001.

In 2005, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions declared
that the deprivation of liberty of the five men was arbitrary and urged the
U.S. government to take steps to remedy the situation.

The five were convicted of espionage, although the prosecution failed to
prove that any of them had obtained documents considered secret or
sensitive by the U.S. security services.

In Cuba they are hailed as heroes in the fight against terrorism, because
they had infiltrated and were monitoring anti-Castro Cuban exile groups in
Miami, Florida.

In recent weeks, former president Fidel Castro, apparently recovered from
the serious illness that led to his stepping down from government four
years ago, has raised expectations about the possibility that the Cuban
Five may be freed "by the end of the year." Washington, in turn, is
insisting on Gross's release on humanitarian grounds.

The conflict between Washington and Havana, and the U.S. embargo against
Cuba, have lasted for nearly half a century.

In the view of Arturo López Levy, a Cuban émigré to the United States and a
professor and researcher at the University of Denver, the release of the
Cuban Five will become a more likely possibility to the extent that the two
governments "negotiate constructively" on other strategic issues of mutual
concern.

"If progress is made on matters of greater bilateral interest, which
convinces government agencies in charge of foreign policy that the releases
would be a rational move, it would make no sense to block that progress
just to keep hold of prisoners whose trial was tarnished by dubious
standards of justice and impartiality," López Levy told IPS by e-mail.

Esteban Morales, a Cuban academic expert on Cuba-U.S. relations, said
President Barack Obama has full powers to pardon the Cuban Five.

Morales pointed out that "there was no evidence against them, and as for
the charge that they were not registered as agents in the United States,
they have already served their time for that."

In his view, the Cuban Five represent a clear case of political aggression
against Cuba. "It is a scandal that they should hold these men in prison,
while terrorists and criminals (of Cuban origin) like Luis Posada Carriles
or Orlando Bosch can stroll around the streets of Miami," he said.

Speaking to IPS in Havana, Morales replied laconically "there may be
something in it," when asked about supposed negotiations which the
Archbishop of Havana, Jaime Ortega, may be mediating.

Early this month, Cardinal Ortega visited Washington, where he met with
White House National Security Adviser James Jones and Assistant Secretary
of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela, feeding rumours
that releases might be announced soon.

Earlier this year, talks between Ortega and authorities led to the
government's announcement that it would release 52 imprisoned dissidents.

But Morales cautioned that there have been no substantial changes in
relations between Washington and Havana since Obama "confirmed he would
maintain the blockade, to which he clings as a vital element of his Cuba
policy."

In his view, Obama has "divided the blockade in two, if that were
possible," and is using it "intelligently, like the two blades of a pair of
scissors against Cuba." According to his analysis, the U.S. president is,
on the one hand, taking measures to facilitate closer relations with Cuban
civil society, and on the other hand, "tightening his fist against the
Cuban government."

"This division pursues subversive goals, it is being used to create
internal pressure, to exploit the economic difficulties of our country,
which are indeed urgent. If Obama has not spent more time on this it is
because he has other pressing priorities, and he does not regard Cuba as a
danger in any way," the expert remarked.

In early August, Tourism Minister Manuel Marrero confirmed plans to build
16 golf courses, as part of a project that would include the sale of houses
to foreigners in those areas. Apparently the government is already prepared
to wager on an end to restrictions on travel by U.S. citizens to Cuba.

"There are hopes that the travel restrictions may be lifted, and we should
be prepared for anything that may happen. We must get ready for tourism on
a mass scale, and that demands higher standards. In any case, this is not
an issue that involves the blockade, but a constitutional right of U.S.
citizens that has been denied," Morales said.

In this respect, Morales has no doubt that pressure in the U.S. Congress
will keep mounting and will lead to the approval of a bill to lift the
travel ban, and to allow more U.S. exports of food to Cuba. In June, the
bill received the support of the House of Representatives Committee on
Agriculture.

"The debate may incline towards lifting the travel ban, to the extent that
it is appreciated that good business can be done with Cuba. In order for
that to happen, our economy must improve, otherwise no capital will enter
the country," Morales said. (END)

Send your comments to the editor


Wednesday, August 18, 2010 12:12 GMT

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Q&A
'Corruption Is an Extraordinary Danger'
Patricia Grogg interviews Cuban political scientist ESTEBAN MORALES
Esteban Morales / Credit:Patricia Grogg/IPS
Esteban Morales

Credit:Patricia Grogg/IPS

HAVANA, Aug 16, 2010 (IPS) - "I still view corruption as an extraordinary
danger" to the country, as its "corrosive power" makes it a matter of
"national security," said Esteban Morales, who was expelled from the Cuban
Communist Party (PCC) after publishing an article warning of its pervasive
effects.

Morales has appealed to the PCC, in accordance with his rights under the
statutes of the ruling party, which is the only political party recognised
in Cuba.

"A commission has to analyse the appeal and make a decision. If I am not
satisfied with the decision, I can take the case as far as the party
congress. I will continue to appeal, because I think I have good reasons to
do so," he told IPS in this interview.

Meanwhile he remains "very active" as an academic and researcher, although
he will retire in September from the teaching staff at the Centre for the
Study of the Hemisphere and the United States (CEHSEU) at the University of
Havana, which he helped to found and to which he has devoted a large part
of his professional life.

"I'm retiring at 68. I'll have more time and freedom for my academic work
and research," said Morales, who holds doctorates in science and economics
and is an expert on Cuba-U.S. relations, as well as the author of essays,
books and numerous articles on the equally sensitive subject of racism in
his country.

Q: Since your separation from the PCC was made public, you have preferred
to avoid contact with the press, especially foreign journalists. What made
you change your mind and agree to this interview?

A: I think it is salutary to clear up certain points. Some people have said
I was a privileged person, a security (secret service) agent, and now I
wish to say this: No one will ever unearth any privileges of mine, because
I have none. As for being a security agent, if I were, I would be proud of
it, because in Cuba that is an honour.

My curriculum vitae is what speaks for me. I am a true academic, not an
invented one. I have written dozens of works, not always on straightforward
subjects, as well as doing a lot of teaching, lecturing at conferences and
acting as an academic adviser. If anyone has any doubts, they need only
enter my name into Google.

Others have taken delight in the idea that I might change sides and go over
to the "dissidents." Perhaps the counter-revolution, lacking as they are in
leadership, thought that I could fill that gap for them. But people who
really know me, know that that's impossible, and that I'm a firmly
committed, tenacious revolutionary. Furthermore, I have never had any
pretensions to leadership or sought to be the centre of attention.

Q: Have you never wavered in your political convictions?

A: No, never. Even the sun has its sunspots; different evaluations are
always possible. I may have given room to mistaken interpretations,
although the spirit of the things I have written is clear, and they clearly
come from a revolutionary position.

I was a revolutionary before I was a party activist, and I will continue to
be one. I decided my political stance over 50 years ago, and it was my free
choice. I have never liked to play the lying game.

I am not paralysed by what has happened. I will simply be much more careful
about how I express myself and what I write, but I won't stop doing it. I'm
an intellectual whom the revolution has trained to warn honestly about
things that can damage us, and that is what I have always done. These are
the risks one just has to run.

Q: Doesn't the fact of your punishment, after you publicly expressed your
views on corruption and the risks it poses for the country's political and
social stability, contradict President Raúl Castro himself, who said Aug. 1
that unity "is nurtured and harvested within the broadest possible
socialist democracy and in open discussion of every issue, however
sensitive, with the people"?

A: I believe debate and criticism are being encouraged by Raúl and the
party leadership. But there may be circumstances in which someone at some
level does not quite agree.

I must say that exercising a critical approach is much more complex than
the mere decision to do so. It has to do with the structures, the
personalities and the different understandings people sometimes have of
things. Or perhaps part of what I said could have been said in a different
way. There's a big gap between intentions and the way they are put into
practice.

Q: What do you think is most worrying about corruption?

A: Its corrosive effect from the moral perspective. When morality and
ethics are affected, the prestige of our political system is undermined and
everything goes downhill. That's why I agree with those who say corruption
is a national security problem.

However, it won't be solved just through more inspections and paperwork,
but by being on the alert and creating mechanisms to prevent it, so that
people who handle money and resources are constantly held accountable. Our
country's assets really do belong to the people, it's not just talk.

Q: You are very well known for your work on the United States and its
relations with Cuba, and on racism. What prompted you to write about
corruption, an issue that, according to some government sectors, encourages
campaigns to discredit the country if ventilated in public?

A: I wrote those articles because I believe these are the problems we are
facing now. I have a motto: in the context of what we have lived through
over all these years, I think whoever wants to be a revolutionary has to
wage his own war, fight his own battles and run whatever risks there are.
Otherwise he should just stay home and hide under the bed.

The claim that the enemy will take advantage of an open discussion of
corruption does not immobilise me either, because it isn't the enemy that
is going to solve the problem for us: quite the contrary. I am one of those
who think that sometimes it is healthier for us to recognise our
shortcomings ourselves, than for the enemy to fling them back in our teeth,
or save them up against us, which would be worse.

Q: Who are you referring to when you say "enemy"?

A: We cannot close our eyes to the fact that since the late 1980s, the
focus of U.S. policy towards Cuba has changed. Nowadays, everything that is
happening internally on the island is being observed and monitored by U.S.
politicians and especially by the United States' special services.

It is against this backdrop that I view the problem of corruption, which I
still see as an extraordinary danger. (END)



Patricia Grogg
Corresponsal Jefa
IPS - Inter Press Service
Corresponsalía Cuba

Calle 28 No.108 Apto 2 entre 1 y 3
Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana, Cuba
Tel: (537) 206-6813 ext 105
www.cubaalamano.net


Patricia Grogg
Corresponsal Jefa
IPS - Inter Press Service
Corresponsalía Cuba

Calle 28 No.108 Apto 2 entre 1 y 3
Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana, Cuba
Tel: (537) 206-6813 ext 105
www.cubaalamano.net

CUBA-ESTADOS UNIDOS: Los Cinco y el turismo marcan agenda

Por Patricia Grogg

LA HABANA, 16 ago (IPS) - Cuba se prepara para recibir turismo de Estados
Unidos en caso de que se levante la prohibición a los viajes de
estadounidenses a esta isla caribeña, a la vez que sube el tono de su
demanda de indulto presidencial para los cinco agentes cubanos presos en
ese país desde hace 12 años.

Si bien el estado de las relaciones bilaterales no parece favorecer ese
extremo, cobraron fuerza versiones sobre contactos que podrían desembocar
en la liberación del contratista estadounidense Allan Gross, preso y bajo
investigación en La Habana, y el regreso a casa de "los Cinco", como se
conoce a los agentes cubanos recluidos en Estados Unidos.

Gross, un contratista judío estadounidense, fue arrestado en Cuba el 3 de
diciembre de 2009, acusado de presuntas actividades de espionaje y por
distribuir, según las autoridades con fines subversivos, computadores
portátiles, teléfonos móviles y otro equipamiento técnico.

Los cinco cubanos que cumplen severas penas en distintas prisiones
estadounidenses son Gerardo Hernández, Ramón Labañino, Antonio Guerrero,
Fernando González y René González, detenidos en 1998 y juzgados en 2001,
en un proceso que La Habana considera "ilegal y
arbitrario".

Al grupo se lo involucró en delitos relacionados con "espionaje", aunque
la acusación no logró probar que alguno de ellos procurara documentos
secretos o delicados para la seguridad estadounidense. Cuba alega que son
luchadores antiterroristas y los declaró héroes de la patria.

En las últimas semanas, el ex presidente Fidel Castro, recuperado en
apariencia de las graves dolencias que hace cuatro años lo alejaron del
gobierno, alentó expectativas sobre el regreso de los Cinco "antes de fin
de año". A su vez, Washington reclama con insistencia la liberación de
Gross por razones humanitarias.

Washington y La Habana sostienen un conflicto de casi medio siglo, marcado
por el bloqueo económico que Estados Unidos impuso a Cuba en 1962.

Para Arturo López Levy, cubano emigrado a Estados Unidos y profesor e
investigador de la Universidad de Denver, la excarcelación de los Cinco es
una posibilidad que se haría más cercana en la medida en que Washington y
La Habana "negocien constructivamente" otros temas estratégicos de su
agenda bilateral.

"Si hay progresos en intereses más importantes de la relación bilateral,
capaces de convencer de la racionalidad de las liberaciones a las agencias
del gobierno a cargo de la política exterior, no tendría sentido
paralizarlos solo para mantener prisioneros, cuyo juicio tuvo estándares
dudosos de justicia e imparcialidad", dijo López Levy a IPS vía correo
electrónico.

Para Esteban Morales, académico cubano experto en las relaciones entre
este país y Estados Unidos, el presidente Barack Obama tiene todo el poder
para indultar a los Cinco, sobre todo "porque no se les ha demostrado nada
y si fue por no registrarse como agentes en Estados Unidos, la sentencia
por ello ya se cumplió".

En su opinión, se trata de un caso evidente de agresión política hacia
Cuba. "Se ha convertido en una verdadera vergüenza que tengan presos a
esos muchachos, mientras terroristas, criminales (de origen cubano) como
Luis Posada Carriles u Orlando Bosch se pasean por las calles de Miami
(meca del exilio cubano en Estados Unidos)", afirmó.

En declaraciones a IPS en La Habana, Morales respondió con un lacónico
"algo puede haber", sobre unas supuestas negociaciones en las que podría
estar mediando el arzobispo de La Habana, Jaime Ortega.

A principios de este mes, el cardenal Ortega visitó Washington y se
entrevistó con James Jones, consejero de Seguridad Nacional de la Casa
Blanca, y con Arturo Valenzuela, secretario de Estado adjunto para Asuntos
del Hemisferio Occidental, lo que alimentó esas conjeturas.

Gestiones anteriores de Ortega ante el gobierno cubano desembocaron en la
decisión oficial de excarcelar a medio centenar de
opositores presos.

Pero Morales alertó que en las relaciones entre Washington y La Habana no
ha habido cambio sustancial desde el momento en que Obama "confirmó que
mantendría el bloqueo (que Estados Unidos llama embargo), al cual está
aferrado como elemento vital de su plataforma política hacia Cuba".

En su opinión, Obama ha "dividido en dos el bloqueo, como si ello fuera
posible", y de manera "inteligente" lo usa como "las dos tenazas de una
tijera contra Cuba". Según su tesis, el mandatario adopta de una parte
medidas que buscan facilitar el acercamiento con la sociedad civil cubana
y, por otra, "aprieta la mano contra el gobierno" cubano.

"Esa división persigue objetivos subversivos, se está utilizando como
elemento de presión interna, para aprovechar las dificultades económicas
de nuestro país, que son presionantes (sic). Si Obama no le ha dedicado
más tiempo a esto es porque tiene otras fuertes prioridades y Cuba no
representa para él ningún peligro", opinó el especialista.

A principios de agosto, el ministro de turismo, Manuel Marrero, confirmó
que hay planes para construir 16 campos de golf, en un proyecto que
incluiría la venta de viviendas a extranjeros en esas áreas. Al parecer ya
se está apostando por el cese de las
restricciones a los viajes de estadounidenses a Cuba.

"Existe la esperanza de que eso se resuelva, y cualquier cosa que ocurra
no debe tomarnos desprevenidos. Hay que prepararse para un turismo masivo
y más exigente. Además, ese no es un tema del bloqueo, sino de un derecho
constitucional de los ciudadanos estadounidenses que se ha vulnerado",
consideró Morales.

En este aspecto, Morales no duda de que la presión en el Congreso
legislativo estadounidense siga aumentando y lleve hasta la aprobación de
un proyecto de ley para terminar con esa prohibición, que también
permitiría aumentar las ventas de alimentos estadounidenses a Cuba. En
junio, la iniciativa recibió el aval del Comité de Agricultura de la
Cámara de Representantes.

"El debate puede inclinarse a favor del levantamiento de la prohibición
de viajes en la medida en que se vea que con Cuba se puede hacer buenos
negocios. Para eso, nuestra economía debe mejorar, de lo contrario el
capital no vendrá", comentó el académico. (FIN/IPS/pg/dcl/la na ip fc sl
if/10)

CUBA: Alerta roja contra la corrupción

Patricia Grogg entrevista al politólogo ESTEBAN MORALES

LA HABANA, ago (IPS) - "Sigo viendo la corrupción como un peligro
extraordinario" para el país, pues su "poder corrosivo" la convierte en un
asunto de "seguridad nacional", enfatizó Esteban Morales, separado de las
filas del Partido Comunista de Cuba (PCC) luego de hacer públicas sus
advertencias.

Morales presentó su apelación ante el PCC, recurso al cual tiene derecho
según los estatutos de ese partido que ejerce el gobierno y es el único
permitido en este país.
"Una comisión debe analizar el asunto y decidir. Si no me satisface la
respuesta, puedo llevar el caso hasta el congreso del partido. Seguiré
apelando porque creo que tengo razones para ello", dijo a IPS.
Mientras tanto, continúa "muy activo" como académico e investigador,
aunque en septiembre dejará de pertenecer a la plantilla del Centro de
Estudios Hemisféricos sobre Estados Unidos, de la Universidad de La
Habana, del cual es fundador y al que dedicó buena parte de su vida
profesional.
"Me jubilaré con 68 años. Tendré más tiempo y mayor libertad para
dedicarme a mis labores académicas y de investigación", añadió este doctor
en ciencias y en economía, experto en las relaciones
cubano-estadounidenses y autor de ensayos, libros y numerosos artículos
sobre el no menos delicado tema del racismo en su país.
IPS: Luego de hacerse pública su separación del PCC, usted prefirió evitar
contactos con la prensa, sobre todo la extranjera acreditada. ¿Qué lo hizo
cambiar esa decisión y acceder a esta entrevista?
ESTEBAN MORALES: Considero saludable aclarar ciertos puntos. Algunas
personas han dicho que fui un privilegiado, un agente de la seguridad
(servicios secretos) y ahora me propongo decir estas cosas. Nunca
encontrarán mis privilegios, no los tengo. En cuanto a la seguridad, si
así lo fuera, no lo tengo a menos, porque eso en Cuba es un honor.
Lo que habla por mí es mi currículo. Soy un académico de verdad, no soy un
inventado, son decenas de trabajos los que he escrito y no siempre de
asuntos sencillos, además de impartir mucha docencia, dictar conferencias
y hacer asesorías académicas. Si alguien aún duda, que ponga mi nombre en
Google (el motor de búsqueda en Internet).
Otros se han afilado los dientes pensando que voy a cambiar de bando, a
pasarme a la "disidencia". Quizás la contrarrevolución, tan falta de
liderazgo, pudo pensar que yo les llenaría ese vacío. Pero quienes me
conocen de verdad, saben que eso es imposible, que soy un revolucionario
inclaudicable. Además, nunca he tenido ínfulas de líder, ni busqué
protagonismo.
IPS: ¿Ni siquiera ha dudado de sus convicciones políticas?
EM: No, nunca. El sol, con ser el sol, tiene sus manchas, puede haber
apreciaciones diferentes. Uno también puede dar lugar a malas
interpretaciones, aunque el espíritu de mis textos está claro y se ve que
fueron escritos desde posturas revolucionarias.
Antes de ser militante del partido, ya era revolucionario y lo seguiré
siendo. Es una militancia política que decidí hace más de 50 años, por mi
propia voluntad. Jamás me ha gustado jugar a los "mentirazos".
Lo sucedido no me paraliza. Simplemente tendré mucho más cuidado al
expresarme y escribir, pero no dejaré de hacerlo, como un intelectual que
la Revolución ha preparado para alertar con honestidad de aquellas cosas
que nos pueden hacer daño. Es lo que he hecho siempre. Son los riesgos que
hay que correr.
IPS: El hecho de que a usted se lo sancione tras expresar públicamente sus
criterios sobre la corrupción y sus riesgos para la estabilidad política y
social del país, ¿no contradice al propio presidente Raúl Castro, quien el
1 de este mes dijo que la unidad "se fomenta y cosecha en la más amplia
democracia socialista y en la discusión abierta de todos los asuntos, por
sensibles que sean, con el pueblo"?
EM: Yo creo que el debate y la crítica son promovidos por Raúl y la
dirección del partido. Pero puede haber circunstancias en que alguien en
algún nivel piense que las cosas no son tan así.
Diría que el proceso de aplicación de la crítica es mucho más complejo que
la mera decisión de ejercerla, tiene que ver con las estructuras, con los
hombres y el modo diferente en que algunos a veces comprendemos las cosas.
O tal vez, de lo que dije, algo pudo ser dicho de otra forma. Hay mucha
distancia entre deseos y práctica concreta.
IPS: ¿Qué es lo que considera más preocupante de la corrupción?
EM: Su poder corrosivo desde el punto de vista moral. Cuando la moral y la
ética se afectan, nuestro sistema político se desprestigia, va abajo todo.
Por eso estoy de acuerdo con quienes dicen que es un problema de seguridad
nacional.
Pero eso no se resuelve sólo a partir de inspecciones o de crear más
papeleos, sino de estar muy vigilantes y creando continuamente mecanismos
para que esas cosas no ocurran. Para que la gente que maneja dinero y
recursos tenga que rendir cuentas continuamente. En nuestro país es una
realidad que los bienes son del pueblo, no es un mero discurso.
IPS: Usted es muy conocido por temas sobre Estados Unidos, las relaciones
de Cuba con ese país y el racismo. ¿Qué lo llevó a escribir sobre la
corrupción, un asunto que, según sectores oficialistas, alimenta "campañas
de desprestigio" contra el país si se ventila públicamente?
EM: Escribí esos artículos porque creo que son los peligros de ahora. Y
tengo un lema: en medio de la situación que hemos vivido estos años, creo
que quien quiera ser revolucionario tiene que tener su propia guerra,
librar sus propias batallas y correr los riesgos que sean. En caso
contrario, que se quede en su casa, bajo la cama.
Eso de que el enemigo va a aprovechar las cosas tampoco me inmoviliza,
porque el enemigo no nos va a resolver el problema, sino al contrario. Soy
de los que piensa que a veces es más saludable que seamos nosotros mismos
quienes reconozcamos nuestras deficiencias a que sea el enemigo quien nos
las lance luego a la cara, o nos las guarde, que es peor.
IPS: ¿Cuándo dice enemigo, a quién se está refiriendo?
EM: Nosotros no podemos obviar que desde fines de los años 80 el foco de
la política de Estados Unidos hacia Cuba cambió. Ahora, todo lo que está
ocurriendo internamente en la isla está siendo observado, monitoreado por
los políticos estadounidenses y en particular por los servicios especiales
de Estados Unidos.
Es en ese contexto que veo el problema de la corrupción, que lo sigo
viendo como un peligro extraordinario.
(FIN/IPS/pg/dm/ip pr fc sl la qa/10)


Patricia Grogg
Corresponsal Jefa
IPS - Inter Press Service
Corresponsalía Cuba

Calle 28 No.108 Apto 2 entre 1 y 3
Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana, Cuba
Tel: (537) 206-6813 ext 105
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