Corruption Is an Extraordinary Danger' (entrevista completa en idioma inglés)

Patricia Grogg interviews Cuban political scientist ESTEBAN MORALES
Esteban Morales / Credit:Patricia Grogg/IPS
Esteban Morales

Credit:Patricia Grogg/IPS

HAVANA, Aug 16, 2010 (IPS) - "I still view corruption as an extraordinary
danger" to the country, as its "corrosive power" makes it a matter of
"national security," said Esteban Morales, who was expelled from the Cuban
Communist Party (PCC) after publishing an article warning of its pervasive
effects.

Morales has appealed to the PCC, in accordance with his rights under the
statutes of the ruling party, which is the only political party recognised
in Cuba.

"A commission has to analyse the appeal and make a decision. If I am not
satisfied with the decision, I can take the case as far as the party
congress. I will continue to appeal, because I think I have good reasons to
do so," he told IPS in this interview.

Meanwhile he remains "very active" as an academic and researcher, although
he will retire in September from the teaching staff at the Centre for the
Study of the Hemisphere and the United States (CEHSEU) at the University of
Havana, which he helped to found and to which he has devoted a large part
of his professional life.

"I'm retiring at 68. I'll have more time and freedom for my academic work
and research," said Morales, who holds doctorates in science and economics
and is an expert on Cuba-U.S. relations, as well as the author of essays,
books and numerous articles on the equally sensitive subject of racism in
his country.

Q: Since your separation from the PCC was made public, you have preferred
to avoid contact with the press, especially foreign journalists. What made
you change your mind and agree to this interview?

A: I think it is salutary to clear up certain points. Some people have said
I was a privileged person, a security (secret service) agent, and now I
wish to say this: No one will ever unearth any privileges of mine, because
I have none. As for being a security agent, if I were, I would be proud of
it, because in Cuba that is an honour.

My curriculum vitae is what speaks for me. I am a true academic, not an
invented one. I have written dozens of works, not always on straightforward
subjects, as well as doing a lot of teaching, lecturing at conferences and
acting as an academic adviser. If anyone has any doubts, they need only
enter my name into Google.

Others have taken delight in the idea that I might change sides and go over
to the "dissidents." Perhaps the counter-revolution, lacking as they are in
leadership, thought that I could fill that gap for them. But people who
really know me, know that that's impossible, and that I'm a firmly
committed, tenacious revolutionary. Furthermore, I have never had any
pretensions to leadership or sought to be the centre of attention.

Q: Have you never wavered in your political convictions?

A: No, never. Even the sun has its sunspots; different evaluations are
always possible. I may have given room to mistaken interpretations,
although the spirit of the things I have written is clear, and they clearly
come from a revolutionary position.

I was a revolutionary before I was a party activist, and I will continue to
be one. I decided my political stance over 50 years ago, and it was my free
choice. I have never liked to play the lying game.

I am not paralysed by what has happened. I will simply be much more careful
about how I express myself and what I write, but I won't stop doing it. I'm
an intellectual whom the revolution has trained to warn honestly about
things that can damage us, and that is what I have always done. These are
the risks one just has to run.

Q: Doesn't the fact of your punishment, after you publicly expressed your
views on corruption and the risks it poses for the country's political and
social stability, contradict President Raúl Castro himself, who said Aug. 1
that unity "is nurtured and harvested within the broadest possible
socialist democracy and in open discussion of every issue, however
sensitive, with the people"?

A: I believe debate and criticism are being encouraged by Raúl and the
party leadership. But there may be circumstances in which someone at some
level does not quite agree.

I must say that exercising a critical approach is much more complex than
the mere decision to do so. It has to do with the structures, the
personalities and the different understandings people sometimes have of
things. Or perhaps part of what I said could have been said in a different
way. There's a big gap between intentions and the way they are put into
practice.

Q: What do you think is most worrying about corruption?

A: Its corrosive effect from the moral perspective. When morality and
ethics are affected, the prestige of our political system is undermined and
everything goes downhill. That's why I agree with those who say corruption
is a national security problem.

However, it won't be solved just through more inspections and paperwork,
but by being on the alert and creating mechanisms to prevent it, so that
people who handle money and resources are constantly held accountable. Our
country's assets really do belong to the people, it's not just talk.

Q: You are very well known for your work on the United States and its
relations with Cuba, and on racism. What prompted you to write about
corruption, an issue that, according to some government sectors, encourages
campaigns to discredit the country if ventilated in public?

A: I wrote those articles because I believe these are the problems we are
facing now. I have a motto: in the context of what we have lived through
over all these years, I think whoever wants to be a revolutionary has to
wage his own war, fight his own battles and run whatever risks there are.
Otherwise he should just stay home and hide under the bed.

The claim that the enemy will take advantage of an open discussion of
corruption does not immobilise me either, because it isn't the enemy that
is going to solve the problem for us: quite the contrary. I am one of those
who think that sometimes it is healthier for us to recognise our
shortcomings ourselves, than for the enemy to fling them back in our teeth,
or save them up against us, which would be worse.

Q: Who are you referring to when you say "enemy"?

A: We cannot close our eyes to the fact that since the late 1980s, the
focus of U.S. policy towards Cuba has changed. Nowadays, everything that is
happening internally on the island is being observed and monitored by U.S.
politicians and especially by the United States' special services.

It is against this backdrop that I view the problem of corruption, which I
still see as an extraordinary danger. (END)

.

Patricia

CUBA-US
Tourism and 'Cuban Five' Top Agenda
By Patricia Grogg

HAVANA, Aug 17, 2010 (IPS) - Cuba is getting ready to welcome tourists from
the United States, in the event that the ban on travel by U.S. citizens to
this Caribbean island nation is lifted, as well as clamouring more loudly
for a presidential pardon for the five Cuban agents who have spent the last
12 years in U.S. prisons.

Although the state of bilateral relations appears too fragile to support
such a change, rumours have been circulating about contacts taking place
that could lead to the freeing of U.S. government contractor Alan Gross,
jailed and under investigation in Havana, and a ticket home for "The Cuban
Five", as the agents are known.

Gross, a Jewish American, was arrested in Cuba on Dec. 3, 2009 and accused
of espionage for distributing laptops, mobile phones and satellite
equipment for internet connections, for subversive purposes according to
the authorities.

The five Cubans -- Gerardo Hernández, Ramón Labañino, Antonio Guerrero,
Fernando González and René González -- are serving lengthy sentences in
different U.S. prisons after being arrested in 1998 and sentenced in 2001.

In 2005, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions declared
that the deprivation of liberty of the five men was arbitrary and urged the
U.S. government to take steps to remedy the situation.

The five were convicted of espionage, although the prosecution failed to
prove that any of them had obtained documents considered secret or
sensitive by the U.S. security services.

In Cuba they are hailed as heroes in the fight against terrorism, because
they had infiltrated and were monitoring anti-Castro Cuban exile groups in
Miami, Florida.

In recent weeks, former president Fidel Castro, apparently recovered from
the serious illness that led to his stepping down from government four
years ago, has raised expectations about the possibility that the Cuban
Five may be freed "by the end of the year." Washington, in turn, is
insisting on Gross's release on humanitarian grounds.

The conflict between Washington and Havana, and the U.S. embargo against
Cuba, have lasted for nearly half a century.

In the view of Arturo López Levy, a Cuban émigré to the United States and a
professor and researcher at the University of Denver, the release of the
Cuban Five will become a more likely possibility to the extent that the two
governments "negotiate constructively" on other strategic issues of mutual
concern.

"If progress is made on matters of greater bilateral interest, which
convinces government agencies in charge of foreign policy that the releases
would be a rational move, it would make no sense to block that progress
just to keep hold of prisoners whose trial was tarnished by dubious
standards of justice and impartiality," López Levy told IPS by e-mail.

Esteban Morales, a Cuban academic expert on Cuba-U.S. relations, said
President Barack Obama has full powers to pardon the Cuban Five.

Morales pointed out that "there was no evidence against them, and as for
the charge that they were not registered as agents in the United States,
they have already served their time for that."

In his view, the Cuban Five represent a clear case of political aggression
against Cuba. "It is a scandal that they should hold these men in prison,
while terrorists and criminals (of Cuban origin) like Luis Posada Carriles
or Orlando Bosch can stroll around the streets of Miami," he said.

Speaking to IPS in Havana, Morales replied laconically "there may be
something in it," when asked about supposed negotiations which the
Archbishop of Havana, Jaime Ortega, may be mediating.

Early this month, Cardinal Ortega visited Washington, where he met with
White House National Security Adviser James Jones and Assistant Secretary
of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Arturo Valenzuela, feeding rumours
that releases might be announced soon.

Earlier this year, talks between Ortega and authorities led to the
government's announcement that it would release 52 imprisoned dissidents.

But Morales cautioned that there have been no substantial changes in
relations between Washington and Havana since Obama "confirmed he would
maintain the blockade, to which he clings as a vital element of his Cuba
policy."

In his view, Obama has "divided the blockade in two, if that were
possible," and is using it "intelligently, like the two blades of a pair of
scissors against Cuba." According to his analysis, the U.S. president is,
on the one hand, taking measures to facilitate closer relations with Cuban
civil society, and on the other hand, "tightening his fist against the
Cuban government."

"This division pursues subversive goals, it is being used to create
internal pressure, to exploit the economic difficulties of our country,
which are indeed urgent. If Obama has not spent more time on this it is
because he has other pressing priorities, and he does not regard Cuba as a
danger in any way," the expert remarked.

In early August, Tourism Minister Manuel Marrero confirmed plans to build
16 golf courses, as part of a project that would include the sale of houses
to foreigners in those areas. Apparently the government is already prepared
to wager on an end to restrictions on travel by U.S. citizens to Cuba.

"There are hopes that the travel restrictions may be lifted, and we should
be prepared for anything that may happen. We must get ready for tourism on
a mass scale, and that demands higher standards. In any case, this is not
an issue that involves the blockade, but a constitutional right of U.S.
citizens that has been denied," Morales said.

In this respect, Morales has no doubt that pressure in the U.S. Congress
will keep mounting and will lead to the approval of a bill to lift the
travel ban, and to allow more U.S. exports of food to Cuba. In June, the
bill received the support of the House of Representatives Committee on
Agriculture.

"The debate may incline towards lifting the travel ban, to the extent that
it is appreciated that good business can be done with Cuba. In order for
that to happen, our economy must improve, otherwise no capital will enter
the country," Morales said. (END)

Send your comments to the editor


Wednesday, August 18, 2010 12:12 GMT

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Q&A
'Corruption Is an Extraordinary Danger'
Patricia Grogg interviews Cuban political scientist ESTEBAN MORALES
Esteban Morales / Credit:Patricia Grogg/IPS
Esteban Morales

Credit:Patricia Grogg/IPS

HAVANA, Aug 16, 2010 (IPS) - "I still view corruption as an extraordinary
danger" to the country, as its "corrosive power" makes it a matter of
"national security," said Esteban Morales, who was expelled from the Cuban
Communist Party (PCC) after publishing an article warning of its pervasive
effects.

Morales has appealed to the PCC, in accordance with his rights under the
statutes of the ruling party, which is the only political party recognised
in Cuba.

"A commission has to analyse the appeal and make a decision. If I am not
satisfied with the decision, I can take the case as far as the party
congress. I will continue to appeal, because I think I have good reasons to
do so," he told IPS in this interview.

Meanwhile he remains "very active" as an academic and researcher, although
he will retire in September from the teaching staff at the Centre for the
Study of the Hemisphere and the United States (CEHSEU) at the University of
Havana, which he helped to found and to which he has devoted a large part
of his professional life.

"I'm retiring at 68. I'll have more time and freedom for my academic work
and research," said Morales, who holds doctorates in science and economics
and is an expert on Cuba-U.S. relations, as well as the author of essays,
books and numerous articles on the equally sensitive subject of racism in
his country.

Q: Since your separation from the PCC was made public, you have preferred
to avoid contact with the press, especially foreign journalists. What made
you change your mind and agree to this interview?

A: I think it is salutary to clear up certain points. Some people have said
I was a privileged person, a security (secret service) agent, and now I
wish to say this: No one will ever unearth any privileges of mine, because
I have none. As for being a security agent, if I were, I would be proud of
it, because in Cuba that is an honour.

My curriculum vitae is what speaks for me. I am a true academic, not an
invented one. I have written dozens of works, not always on straightforward
subjects, as well as doing a lot of teaching, lecturing at conferences and
acting as an academic adviser. If anyone has any doubts, they need only
enter my name into Google.

Others have taken delight in the idea that I might change sides and go over
to the "dissidents." Perhaps the counter-revolution, lacking as they are in
leadership, thought that I could fill that gap for them. But people who
really know me, know that that's impossible, and that I'm a firmly
committed, tenacious revolutionary. Furthermore, I have never had any
pretensions to leadership or sought to be the centre of attention.

Q: Have you never wavered in your political convictions?

A: No, never. Even the sun has its sunspots; different evaluations are
always possible. I may have given room to mistaken interpretations,
although the spirit of the things I have written is clear, and they clearly
come from a revolutionary position.

I was a revolutionary before I was a party activist, and I will continue to
be one. I decided my political stance over 50 years ago, and it was my free
choice. I have never liked to play the lying game.

I am not paralysed by what has happened. I will simply be much more careful
about how I express myself and what I write, but I won't stop doing it. I'm
an intellectual whom the revolution has trained to warn honestly about
things that can damage us, and that is what I have always done. These are
the risks one just has to run.

Q: Doesn't the fact of your punishment, after you publicly expressed your
views on corruption and the risks it poses for the country's political and
social stability, contradict President Raúl Castro himself, who said Aug. 1
that unity "is nurtured and harvested within the broadest possible
socialist democracy and in open discussion of every issue, however
sensitive, with the people"?

A: I believe debate and criticism are being encouraged by Raúl and the
party leadership. But there may be circumstances in which someone at some
level does not quite agree.

I must say that exercising a critical approach is much more complex than
the mere decision to do so. It has to do with the structures, the
personalities and the different understandings people sometimes have of
things. Or perhaps part of what I said could have been said in a different
way. There's a big gap between intentions and the way they are put into
practice.

Q: What do you think is most worrying about corruption?

A: Its corrosive effect from the moral perspective. When morality and
ethics are affected, the prestige of our political system is undermined and
everything goes downhill. That's why I agree with those who say corruption
is a national security problem.

However, it won't be solved just through more inspections and paperwork,
but by being on the alert and creating mechanisms to prevent it, so that
people who handle money and resources are constantly held accountable. Our
country's assets really do belong to the people, it's not just talk.

Q: You are very well known for your work on the United States and its
relations with Cuba, and on racism. What prompted you to write about
corruption, an issue that, according to some government sectors, encourages
campaigns to discredit the country if ventilated in public?

A: I wrote those articles because I believe these are the problems we are
facing now. I have a motto: in the context of what we have lived through
over all these years, I think whoever wants to be a revolutionary has to
wage his own war, fight his own battles and run whatever risks there are.
Otherwise he should just stay home and hide under the bed.

The claim that the enemy will take advantage of an open discussion of
corruption does not immobilise me either, because it isn't the enemy that
is going to solve the problem for us: quite the contrary. I am one of those
who think that sometimes it is healthier for us to recognise our
shortcomings ourselves, than for the enemy to fling them back in our teeth,
or save them up against us, which would be worse.

Q: Who are you referring to when you say "enemy"?

A: We cannot close our eyes to the fact that since the late 1980s, the
focus of U.S. policy towards Cuba has changed. Nowadays, everything that is
happening internally on the island is being observed and monitored by U.S.
politicians and especially by the United States' special services.

It is against this backdrop that I view the problem of corruption, which I
still see as an extraordinary danger. (END)



Patricia Grogg
Corresponsal Jefa
IPS - Inter Press Service
Corresponsalía Cuba

Calle 28 No.108 Apto 2 entre 1 y 3
Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana, Cuba
Tel: (537) 206-6813 ext 105
www.cubaalamano.net


Patricia Grogg
Corresponsal Jefa
IPS - Inter Press Service
Corresponsalía Cuba

Calle 28 No.108 Apto 2 entre 1 y 3
Miramar, Ciudad de La Habana, Cuba
Tel: (537) 206-6813 ext 105
www.cubaalamano.net